The Looming Catastrophe and a Transitional Program to Confront It

Statement Adopted by the Extraordinary Conference of the Communist Preparation Organization, October 14, 2026

Part One

1. Background

The aggressive imperialist-Zionist offensive against Iran—which commenced last year with the Twelve-Day War, subsequently continued with the Forty-Day War, and has persisted to this day with varying degrees of intensity—has placed Iranian society at a decisive historical crossroads.

The convergence of this imperialist offensive with the turbulent international situation was by no means accidental. Rather, the offensive itself is fundamentally a product of that very global turmoil. The war against Iran is one of the fronts—and, at the present moment, the most decisive front—of a worldwide struggle over the redivision of global markets and the redefinition of spheres of influence among the world's most powerful states.

This is a struggle that has already plunged the world into two devastating world wars, each claiming the lives of tens of millions of people. There is, however, one distinctive feature of the present struggle that sets it apart from the periods leading up to the First and Second World Wars: the structural unity of all the countries in which capitalist relations have reached their highest stages of development. These countries, commonly referred to in political discourse as the West, constitute a bloc whose principal power and leader is the United States of America.

Whereas in the two previous world wars the principal centers of the opposing forces were located within these Western countries themselves, today this structurally unified bloc—despite its internal contradictions—stands more or less collectively against an emerging bloc of countries commonly known as the so called Global South, with China and Russia at its forefront as the leading economic and military powers.

2. The Rise of Political Reaction: Zionist Fascism

The present historical moment differs from the periods leading up to the two previous world wars in another important respect. The world has entered this turbulent period at a time when its dominant mode of production—the capitalist order—has exhausted its entire ideological arsenal and all its instruments of governance and, unlike in the turbulent periods of the past, has no alternative to offer the world. The crisis of capitalist overproduction, which since 2008–2009 has exposed the impossibility of entering a relatively stable period of economic prosperity, has simultaneously demonstrated the practical bankruptcy of all the responses offered thus far. In all countries where capitalist relations have reached their highest levels of development, every previous response—from conservatism to liberalism to social democracy—has lost its credibility, giving way to a growing tendency toward political reaction and a return to fascism. In its new form, Zionism has experienced a remarkable resurgence.

This fascism, combining the most reactionary aspects of liberal doctrines and Malthusian theories with so-called modern protest subcultures, appearing in left-wing guise, or merging with the most backward and superstitious sectarian and racist beliefs, has become the sole alternative offered by the declining Western bourgeoisie. Either fascism in left-wing guise or fascism behind a religious mask—but in both cases, Zionist fascism.

For this dominant Zionist fascism, the question is no longer one of devising solutions for peaceful coexistence with opposing nations or civilizational spheres. Rather, it is a matter of launching offensives aimed at dismantling the very foundations of anything that obstructs the preservation of its supremacy. This response corresponds precisely to the fundamental impasses confronting capital accumulation and the attainment of a sustained period of economic prosperity. It is by no means accidental that the Middle East, and Israel in particular, has become the spearhead of this fascism on the global stage.

Israel, as the most naked, most inhumane, most brutal, and most vile form of domination, symbolizes the entire barbarism of contemporary fascism. It has become the ideal model for all Nazi gangs and fascist mobs, for the technofascist leaders of Silicon Valley corporations, and for all crisis-ridden Western states. Israel embodies and personifies all the crimes that these thugs aspire to commit but either lack the power to carry out or have not yet reached the stage of perpetrating in so unconcealed a manner. The response of the rising poles of the multipolar world to this escalating political reaction was not to confront it at its roots, but rather to seek ways of peacefully coexisting with it.

This constituted a disastrous response for all the oppressed masses subjected to crushing exploitation, aggression, and occupation. And Palestine was left at the bottom of a horrific abyss, condemned to accept this fate for eternity.

3. The Eruption of Resistance in Gaza

The eruption of resistance in Gaza on October 7 constituted a formal declaration of refusal to submit to this global order of domination and an expression of determination to overthrow the international system. Just as Israel represented the spearhead of the reactionary world order and the deadliest embodiment of domination by the most advanced forms of capital, so too did Gaza, in equal measure, embody the most deprived contingents of the global proletariat. These were precisely the contingents that capital, trapped in its own predicament, now regarded as a surplus population that had to be eliminated. Now this surplus population had risen, raising the banner of life against the banner of death.

Israel set out to destroy Palestine, while Palestine, in turn, had no path to liberation other than the destruction of Israel. Gaza raised this banner and, in doing so, crossed the boundaries established by all parties involved in international conflicts, opening up an entirely new horizon. Regardless of which pole would ultimately prevail in the struggle among the great powers, Israel had been regarded as an established fixture—or at least a consolidated element—of the future multipolar world.

Operation Al-Aqsa Flood was a declaration that this outcome would not be recognized. The war aimed at the destruction of the adversary, which until then had been unfolding in a concealed manner, had now officially begun. Both the strength and the weakness of Al-Aqsa Flood lay precisely here. It was this refusal to recognize the boundaries governing international relations that led a considerable section of the world's oppressed to suddenly identify the fate of Palestine with their own and rise in its support. And it was also for this very reason that, throughout the world, in every country without exception, not a single state joined the war initiated by Gaza. Even those who came forward internationally in support of Gaza called for an end to the genocide, rather than for the elimination of the machinery of genocide itself. 

The same was true of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Throughout all the years leading up to Al-Aqsa Flood, the Islamic Republic, as the central stronghold of the Axis of Resistance, had constituted the principal pillar of support for the Palestinian movement. Yet with Al-Aqsa Flood, the Islamic Republic suddenly found itself confronted with a terrifying prospect. While the ruling class of the Islamic Republic had supported the Axis of Resistance, it had simultaneously spent the preceding years pursuing the normalization of relations with neighboring countries. Gaza now threatened to nullify all these efforts.

At precisely the moment when the Islamic Republic of Iran could have reaped the fruits of years of labor to strengthen the foundations of the Axis of Resistance, it became terrified of the consequences of that very success. The Islamic Republic was now, in practice, a republic of "Neither Gaza nor Lebanon, My Life for Iran," while only outwardly remaining the republic of "The Road to Jerusalem Passes Through Karbala." With Al-Aqsa Flood, the policy of the Islamic Republic became one of containing it and preventing any possibility of its expansion into Iran. It failed to recognize that Gaza had permanently destroyed the dynamics sustaining the existing equilibrium.

If, throughout the years of the civil war in Syria and the war in Ukraine, it had still been possible to speak of averting the transformation of these conflicts into wars of life and death, Gaza brought that possibility to an end once and for all. The question of the war spreading to Iran was now merely a question of time.

4. Iran’s Distinctive Character: The Continuation of the Era of Twentieth-Century Revolutions

Alongside all the fundamental causes of the global struggle over the division of spheres of influence, and in parallel with the rise of the political reaction of Zionist fascism, another arena of struggle was once again moving to the center of international conflicts. The anti-communist reaction that had achieved its greatest victory with the collapse of the Soviet Union in the early 1990s was once again targeting countries where the remnants of twentieth-century revolutions and left-wing movements were still visible. This occurred as the reactionary campaign of the "War on Terror" and the numerous military interventions in Iraq, Syria, and Libya had exhausted their potential. Open anti-communism was replacing empty rhetoric about democracy and human rights. Throughout Latin America, a wave of Zionist dictatorships was organized through the mockery of democratic standards and overt anti-communism. In many of these countries, this led to the seizure of power and the overthrow of left-wing governments. The US military assault, carried out in collaboration with the corrupt leaders of the Venezuelan state, and the abduction of the country's president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, represented the culmination thus far of this anti-communist offensive.

This operation also played a significant role in encouraging the United States to launch its war of aggression against Iran and laid the groundwork for a subsequent large-scale assault on heroic Cuba. The rise to power of the lumpen-fascist monarchist gangs in Iran, and their emergence as the principal force of the opposition, must also be understood against this background. Until this point, the various opposition currents to the Islamic Republic, despite their varying degrees of hostility toward the state and their opposition to the 1979 Revolution, had not yet fully turned against that revolution itself. In the guise of republicanism, and while opposing the Islamic Republic, they presented themselves as revolutionaries and heirs to the defeated Revolution of 1979, claiming to defend the republican form that had emerged from that revolution—a republic that, in their view, merely needed to be stripped of its Islamic character.

With the monarchist gangs, however, the complete eradication of that revolution and a return to the pre-revolutionary era were placed on the agenda. This was precisely the force that could most effectively become an instrument in the service of the aggressive imperialist-Zionist bloc.

For the United States, Iran was significant not merely because it evoked the Revolution of 1979, but also because it was a country that, as a result of that very revolution, had been expelled from the orbit of American satellite states. This lent Iran an additional and exceptional significance.

For Israel, which had now officially entered a war of life and death against the Palestinians, Iran had to be eliminated as a factor of insecurity. 

All the conditions for an existential war were now in place, and the war began with precisely these objectives.

5. The Intensification of Class Struggle in Iran

Unlike situations in which war leads to class unity around national interests, the war in Iran assumed entirely different forms. On the one hand, this war unfolded as a continuation of the class conflicts within Iranian society and against the backdrop of those very conflicts. On one side of these conflicts stood primarily the lumpen-fascist monarchist forces, which, alongside their appropriation of the legitimate demands of the masses, pursued the complete eradication of the revolutionary legacy of Iranian society and the elimination of all the effects of the 1979 Revolution. This force had now effectively entered the war as the fifth column of the aggressor enemy.

On the other hand, the class conflict within the state itself, between the economically dominant class and the remaining adherents of an Islamic government based on Islamic democracy, was approaching its conclusion with the election of the fourteenth administration. This conflict, which had officially and openly begun with the 2009 elections, entered its final stages under the fourteenth administration and its Pact of National Consensus. Its objective was to transform the Islamic Republic, eliminate the last remaining traces of the 1979 Revolution from society and the state, and reintegrate Iran into the American sphere of satellite states. The process that had begun with the JCPOA had to be brought to completion. While integration into the American-led order constituted the ultimate objective of this powerful faction within the ruling class in foreign policy, in the sphere of economic and social policy, the most radical dismantling of state responsibilities in the provision of public services and social protections, together with the transfer of control over policymaking to centers of economic power, was being seriously pursued. 

The war encouraged the dominant tendency within the state to accelerate the implementation of its anti-social policies, not only to demonstrate to the domestic bourgeoisie that it would remain loyal to their interests even under the most difficult circumstances, but also to present itself as a desirable alternative in the eyes of the imperialist-Zionist bloc. "They must first recognize us as legitimate interlocutors" was an expression of precisely this approach on the part of the head of the fourteenth administration. The dominant faction within the Islamic Republic confronted the lumpen-fascist monarchist current not as an enemy, but as a competitor offering a better commodity to the same buyer. The enemy of both was the masses of people who, following the shock of the attacks on February 28 and the killing of the state's leaders, followed by the massacre of the children of Minab, suddenly overcame their initial shock and entered the arena with an uncontrollable force. The streets of Iran could now understand Gaza. The existential war had now been recognized in Iran as well—if not by the ruling class, then by the streets, or at least by broad sections of those who had taken to them.

What unfolded over the past months was the sometimes gradual, sometimes rapid, sometimes concealed, and sometimes overt development of a multifaceted struggle in which Iran's position within regional and global politics was at stake. Either Iran would join the American sphere of satellite states, or it would emerge beyond the framework of the existing international order as an entity carrying the seeds of an entirely new international order. Iran could not, and cannot, attain a stable position even within the frameworks of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation and BRICS. In all international alliances, Israel's existence is accepted as a predetermined fact. And Israel, which regards the destruction of Iran as a unified country as an indispensable objective for consolidating its own existence as Greater Israel, will not abandon the pursuit of this objective for even a moment. On the other hand, the same applies to the Iranian streets. The streets of Iran have now also entered an existential war with Israel. Accordingly, no stable political configuration for Iran is conceivable with the present alignment of the forces involved.

In the sphere of economic policy, too, what is currently unfolding in Iran is an open economic war between the deprived masses and the powerful centers of the ruling class. The opposing sides of this conflict can, in general terms, be expressed through two objectives: The market or justice. And this, too, is a struggle that will determine the course of history.

6. On the Necessity of Transforming Political and Economic Structures

Victory or defeat in the ongoing all-encompassing war will mean, for the overwhelming majority of the working and toiling masses, either the opening of new horizons of prosperity for future generations or a descent into a horrifying abyss of misery, poverty, destitution, and catastrophe. The working and toiling masses must not and cannot be defeated in this historic and epoch-making struggle. They must emerge victorious. The most fundamental obstacle standing in their way, however, is the rigid and repressive structure of the political system that has taken shape over successive decades.

Within this structure, all organs of governance—from administrative and executive bodies to legal and legislative institutions, from cultural and media establishments to economic institutions—have been systematically fashioned, without exception, in such a way that representatives of the deprived classes of society have not even the slightest role in them. Instead, this entire vast apparatus has been placed at the service of the economically dominant class: the capitalist class. Even within the ruling class itself, it is the interests of the major capitalists that ultimately prevail—from financial magnates to commercial and industrial holdings and the bureaucrats who serve them. It is this vast apparatus that has vigorously pursued the integration of Iran into the American-centered system of countries and dictates the policies of the government, parliament, and judiciary.

The actions taken thus far by the young leader of the Islamic Republic have also demonstrated that no effective force exists within the state capable of changing its international and domestic orientation in favor of the working and toiling masses. Unless the political and economic structures are transformed in such a way that the dominant class loses at least a substantial portion of its instruments of power, while the working and toiling masses acquire a position from which they can exercise power and determine the direction of the political system, a dark and bleak period awaits Iranian society and the entire region. Under the existing political system, not only is there no prospect whatsoever of an improvement in conditions, but, on the contrary, its present trajectory will eliminate even the last remaining traces of the 1979 Revolution from society. In the sphere of international politics, Iran will be reduced to a puppet serving the financial markets of Wall Street and London. In the domestic sphere, even the meager remnants of the rights of the working and toiling masses will be swept away.

The war has brought Iranian society to the edge of a terrifying precipice. Yet this very war has also awakened the exhausted forces of resistance within society and brought them into the arena. If the state machinery of the dominant class is the force driving society toward catastrophe, the streets represent a rising force that can and must be transformed into an emancipatory force, capable of playing its rightful role in determining the destiny of society. For this historic task to be accomplished, however, fundamental transformations within the movement of the streets are indispensable.

Part Two: The Streets

1. The Streets: From an Instrument of Pressure to an Organ of Power

What happened after February 28 was an entirely unexpected phenomenon. The American military strategy of shock and awe, which was intended to intimidate society and reduce it to a state of passivity, produced precisely the opposite result. Only the wealthiest and most affluent sections of society were intimidated and hurried off to their villas in pleasant, scenic areas. The working and toiling masses, by contrast, were enraged and entered the arena of struggle. Those who had taken to the streets on January 12 against the reactionary terror of Mossad's lumpen-fascist mercenaries now entered the battlefield with even greater determination to defend the very existence of society. They correctly recognized that what was unfolding was not a temporary war or a passing confrontation, but a war over their very existence. They were the most accomplished political actors in Iranian society, not the foolish and self-serving politicians who occupied positions of authority.

The stormy power of the streets established itself as the principal force safeguarding society—and, indeed, the ruling political system itself—at a moment when the military balance still appeared to be overwhelmingly in favor of the aggressors. The consolidation of the streets as a political force also meant that they had to be taken into account by the government and its political brokers in parliament and the judiciary. The first manifestation of this influence was the defeat of the plan to establish a Leadership Council instead of electing a new Supreme Leader. The masses who had taken to the streets were neither willing nor able to accept a situation in which invading forces could assassinate the country's highest-ranking official and thereby alter the course of society. These masses demanded continuity and ultimately succeeded in securing it through the election of the previous leader's son.

The election of Ayatollah Seyyed Mojtaba Khamenei, however, did not signify a qualitative shift in the balance of forces within the ruling class. If Khamenei the father, with the entire consolidated and well-established apparatus of the Supreme Leader's Office and all the authority he enjoyed among the military, had been unable to restrain the growing desire of the capitalist class to break through the shell of the Islamic Republic, secularize the political system, and integrate it into the American-led order, how could his newly installed son prevent the voracious sharks who had seized control of the entire machinery of government—including its military apparatus—from pursuing the same course? This was especially true given that he was not even capable of appearing publicly on the political stage. The greatest achievement the leader of the Islamic Republic could hope for was to avoid being assassinated himself. And in this endeavor, the only force that could come to his aid was the people in the streets.

The leader therefore sought to strengthen the streets in the hope that they, in turn, could reinforce his own position. Yet this process could not offer lasting resistance against the gradual, persistent, multifaceted, and ever-increasing pressure exerted by the ruling class in the guise of civil society. This was particularly so because economic leverage stood at the center of these pressures. While the ruling class enjoyed economic privileges and was therefore insulated from the deterioration of economic conditions, the overwhelming majority of the masses in the streets were deprived of such privileges and exposed to the most severe economic pressures. To this must be added the psychological warfare waged by the ruling class, which, as the state of war dragged on, gradually increased in both intensity and variety.

This ranged from the humiliation of people in the streets through social media and the mass media to degrading street performances staged by groups of hired women, and even government-organized spectacles such as the marathon held in Tehran simultaneously with military exercises. What had previously manifested itself in the humiliation of state supporters by a quasi-fascist civil society, reducing the sphere of social communication and interaction to the lowest level of pornographic sexual vulgarity, was now openly taking the side of the imperialist-Zionist aggressors. The vulgarity of the earlier period, already intertwined with violence, had now developed into overt, normalized violence and the creation of an atmosphere of terror directed against all sincere and honorable activists engaged in the anti-imperialist struggle, extending even into families. It was not only the opposition abroad that, with Reza Pahlavi becoming its principal pole, had officially transformed itself into a lumpen-fascist force. Domestic civil society, too, had cast off its mask, replacing its professed tolerance and willingness to engage in dialogue with verbal terrorism. An enormous monster now stood confronting the streets.

Against this monster, all the efforts and sacrifices of the people were incapable of overcoming the structural deficiencies of the street movement, nor would they be capable of doing so in the future. It was therefore evident from the outset that maintaining the streets merely as an instrument of pressure would be possible only for a short period, and that in the medium and long term the street movement would become exhausted. Indeed, as the war continued, the strength of the streets diminished, while the ruling class began its counteroffensive against them—first cautiously and then with increasing audacity. The streets, as an instrument of pressure, are clearly no longer capable of meeting the demands of the present situation. This instrument of pressure must be transformed into an organ for the exercise of power. Achieving this requires both changes within the streets themselves and a broadening of the composition of the forces participating in them.

2. Towards an Assembly of Representatives of the Streets

The streets were unable to consolidate or even preserve their initial achievements primarily because they lacked the organizational structures necessary to meet the demands of a movement engaged in war. Neither the instruments at their disposal, nor their configuration, nor, subsequently, the composition of their participants was adequate to enable them to develop their strength and exert a lasting influence on the course of political developments. 

The incoherent leadership of the streets, and the role played by sections of the state in shaping and directing them toward the political objectives of the National Consensus project—or merely using them as an instrument of pressure—effectively deprived the streets of any possibility of expanding their influence and contributed to their gradual exhaustion. Among the tendencies present in the streets, none proved capable of recognizing the importance of transforming the amorphous street movement into an organized movement with clearly defined structures and systematic mechanisms of decision-making.

Neither the strata associated with or situated on the margins of the state, nor the forces independent of the state but opposed to imperialist aggression, made any significant effort to organize the streets. Among certain social forces, the role of the streets was even dismissed as insignificant. Others, influenced by the propaganda of the pro-imperialist secular left, exaggerated the religious character of the streets and consequently distanced themselves from them. Unless these deficiencies are overcome, the streets will be unable to resist the offensive of the ruling classes, both domestically and among the invading forces.

In particular, the state apparatus, with its determined pursuit of integration into the American-centered order, brings the danger of an even more devastating war closer with every step, while simultaneously intensifying the threat of suppressing the just struggle against the unjust and aggressive imperialist-Zionist war. The first step toward overcoming these deficiencies and organizing the street movement in a manner that enables it to move toward the exercise of power is the formation of assemblies of representatives of the streets within the demonstrations themselves.

The past seven months have demonstrated that the streets contain a considerable number of capable individuals with a profound understanding of international and domestic conditions and the country's fundamental problems. Many of them have demonstrated, through powerful speeches and substantive discussions, their ability to participate in governing the country. The knowledge, commitment, sense of responsibility, and understanding of the problems displayed by activists in the streets are undoubtedly far superior to those of the intellectually impoverished Chicago-school graduates and the brainwashed products of the Niavaran School.

Yet while the streets offered the possibility of uniting all these forces into a single body capable of participating in the administration of the country, their role remained limited to that of a platform for exerting pressure. This deficiency has already imposed potentially enormous costs on society as a whole and on the outcome of the war. If it persists, however, its consequences will undoubtedly be devastating, neutralizing the only force that offers hope for changing existing conditions and achieving victory in the war against aggression.

The most fundamental reason for this unforgivable neglect lies in the uncontested dominance of the rules of parliamentary politics and adherence to the law. While the class enemies of the working and toiling masses, both within the country and among the imperialist-Zionist forces, violate all their own established rules and laws without the slightest hesitation whenever their interests demand it, the streets continue to confine themselves to expressing demands to the government. While the coup-plotting Speaker of Parliament has casually rendered the Islamic Republic's own constitution inoperative, the streets continue to demand the reopening of a parliament that elected that very coup-plotter as its Speaker by an overwhelming majority. While a president responsible for the deaths of hundreds of young Iranians and the destruction of the lives of millions of families, together with his self-serving foreign minister, freely roam the country's political arena and conspire against the interests of the masses, the streets continue to appeal for his prosecution to the head of a judiciary who is himself his close ally. They change the facts on the ground; the forces of the streets launch campaigns in cyberspace and wait for the next round of elections two years from now. The situation in society, the country, and the region is changing from moment to moment, day after day, yet the streets remain preoccupied with elections scheduled for two years in the future. They fail to recognize that in two years there may no longer be a country in which elections can be held. And even if the country survives with its present configuration, with three-person gatherings heading each of the three branches of government and a fictitious six-member body still in place, there will be no guarantee that elections will take place at all. The streets need only cast a brief glance at that dictatorial clown in Ukraine to see how the “free and democratic world” can dispense with elections altogether. 

What the streets need is the formation of assemblies of representatives and the assertion of their claim to intervene in the affairs of the country, rather than merely presenting demands to a corrupt and deal-making apparatus. It is through the formation of assemblies of representatives that the streets can act not as a shapeless, passive mass, but as a united political force with real weight, capable of emerging as a contender against the state apparatus. Only under such conditions will the streets be able to present themselves as a force capable of rescuing society from the impending catastrophe and winning the confidence of the vast masses of workers and toilers. These are people who, exhausted by the poverty and destitution imposed upon them by the state, have either chosen political indifference or, disregarding the dangers involved in the destruction of society's structures, have even come to desire the victory of the most depraved imperialist reactionaries, Zionist murderers, and their lumpen-fascist mercenaries.

Without serious efforts to bring large numbers of workers into the ranks of the streets and to link their legitimate demands with the objectives of the street movement, the prospects of success, if they exist at all, will remain extremely limited. The streets, by definition, constitute a gathering of citizens without necessarily playing any role in the material foundations of society. It is the workers who bear the responsibility for sustaining the material life of society. Power grounded in the workers' role in producing social wealth can also endow the streets with considerable material force, transforming their threats into a serious danger for the holders of power and capital. With workers participating in the ranks of the streets, fewer political brokers among capital's lackeys within the state apparatus would dare to act arrogantly toward them.

The same applies to the role and position of women in the street movement. The mass participation of women from different social backgrounds, wearing different forms of dress, veiled and unveiled, standing side by side, was one of the decisive factors in the initial demonstration of the streets' power and in neutralizing the media propaganda of warmongers and those seeking to fuel the war. The streets succeeded in displaying beautiful examples of civilized social coexistence and bringing forth a deeply rooted model of tolerance and social interaction that exposed the hollowness and deception of liberalism's professed tolerance and openness.

Here, the common cause formed the foundation of tolerance, interaction, and social coexistence, rather than the pursuit of individual interests. Precisely where a profound division had emerged half a century earlier among the forces participating in the 1979 Revolution—over the crucial question of women's emancipation—the streets succeeded in overcoming this historical division and playing an epoch-making role in healing this deep wound in the body of society. This beautiful convergence, a source of social strength and vitality, must not be allowed to be destroyed from either side by religious obscurantism or pleasure-seeking secularism, reopening that deep wound once again. The streets demonstrated that all members of society, women and men alike, and women whether veiled or unveiled, are capable of fighting shoulder to shoulder against the sinister forces of capital for the common cause of building a humane society and achieving collective happiness. This auspicious development must be cherished and guarded like the apple of one's eye. And this will not be possible without confronting obscurantism within the ranks of the streets and resolutely opposing and expelling the armies of capital's abusive agitators.

Part Three: Immediate Measures

A. Political Measures

1. Immediate termination of secret diplomacy, except in matters concerning national security related to the war and military developments. Any violation of this principle must be criminalized.

2. Immediate and unconditional annulment of the agreements concluded under the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) and its secret annexes.

3. Withdrawal from the Paris Agreement on climate change.

4. Immediate cancellation of all commitments under the Financial Action Task Force (FATF), the Palermo Convention, the Convention for the Suppression of the Financing of Terrorism (CFT), and similar agreements.

5. Suspension or downgrading of diplomatic relations with all hostile countries that have played a role in the imperialist-Zionist aggression.

6. Making any negotiations with the United States conditional upon the withdrawal of US forces from all countries sharing land or maritime borders with Iran.

7. Making any negotiations with the United States conditional upon the withdrawal of Israeli occupation and invading forces from Lebanon, Gaza, and the West Bank.

8. Immediate and public trial of Hassan Rouhani on charges of the intentional killing of hundreds of people during the events of November 2019, and of Mohammad Javad Zarif on charges of treason against the country, with the imposition of the most severe penalties.

B. Economic Measures

1. Immediate reinstatement or provision of equivalent employment for workers who have been dismissed under the pretext of wartime conditions.

2. Arrest and prosecution of profiteering employers who have suspended production despite the availability of the necessary conditions to continue operations, or who have dismissed protesting and striking workers.

3. Nationalization of foreign trade and the elimination of intermediaries and brokers.

4. A complete prohibition on the transfer of capital out of the country, with the imposition of the most severe penalties for violations.

5. Imposition of the most severe penalties for hoarding.

6. Immediate nationalization of banks and key industries, including petrochemicals, steel, cement, oil, and mining. Annulment of the privatization of sugarcane agro-industrial complexes and the Moghan Agro-Industrial Complex.

7. A complete and absolute ban on the importation of luxury goods, ranging from decorative products to automobiles. The importation of essential goods, such as medicines required by patients with serious illnesses, must receive the highest priority in the allocation of foreign currency.

8. A complete prohibition on contracting and subcontracting arrangements.

9. A travel ban on all beneficiaries of the privatization of major enterprises until all outstanding debts have been fully settled.

10. A travel ban on all individuals accused of corruption and bribery.

11. Confiscation of vacant residential properties belonging to wealthy individuals who have emigrated abroad, as well as housing hoarders and speculators, and their allocation to low-income families without adequate housing.

12. An absolute prohibition on rent increases under wartime conditions, together with the criminalization of forced evictions of tenants.

13. Severing economic ties and networks dependent on the Persian Gulf sheikhdoms, particularly the United Arab Emirates.

14. Strict enforcement of the “Where Did You Get It?” principle to ensure transparent scrutiny of the assets and wealth of government officials.

C. Social Welfare Measures

1. A complete ban on private educational institutions and the establishment of free, universal education at all levels.

2. Immediate implementation of a free meal program for all primary and secondary school children up to the age of sixteen.

3. A complete ban on private hospitals, medical centers, and clinics, and the establishment of a fully universal and free public healthcare system.

4. Free urban public transportation.

Concluding Statement

We, the participants in the Extraordinary Conference of the Communist Preparation Organization, believe that taking steps toward the realization of these objectives is a vital and unavoidable necessity at the present historical juncture.

The state apparatus of the ruling class, backed by the broadest consensus achieved thus far under the banner of National Consensus, has brought together the entire strength of Pezeshkian’s government, the parliament under the leadership of Ghalibaf’s corrupt faction, the judiciary, the administrative apparatus, an army of media and academic institutions, and powerful centers of economic influence. Together, they are rapidly draining the lifeblood of society and driving the country and the region toward grave catastrophes.

Whether through surrendering the country's will to the imperialist-Zionist criminals or through driving the country toward a devastating defeat in the face of an all-out invasion by the aggressors, the ruling class will undoubtedly bring nothing but misery, destruction, and devastation to generations to come.

We believe that an uncompromising struggle against the ruling class is now the only way to prevent the country from falling into the terrifying abyss that lies ahead.

This struggle requires the broadest possible unity of the lower classes of society: workers, toilers, teachers, nurses, and all strata and layers of wage earners who bear the weight of the country on their shoulders.

Against the consensus of those at the top, those at the bottom must establish their own class alliance as swiftly as possible.

The unity of the working and toiling classes against the consensus of the parasitic and superfluous classes: this is the urgent task of the present historical moment.

And the streets constitute the principal arena for its realization.

We call upon all communists, anti-imperialist forces, and supporters of social justice and human dignity to overcome their divisive ideological considerations and, through the broadest possible convergence, forge the widest possible unity around the objective of removing the government and parliament from power and establishing popular oversight of the judiciary.

This is a struggle that must begin at this very moment, through engagement on multiple fronts and at numerous points of resistance—fronts and positions that have been outlined in the immediate measures set out above.

We must elevate the streets into a place of deliberation and consultation for this struggle and a meeting ground for all working and toiling people.

There are countless opportunities for establishing such coordination, out of which assemblies of representatives of the streets can emerge.

These range from the struggle for decent and adequate housing to the struggle against the parasitic subcontractors and against unemployment—in short, against every form of class and social discrimination that constitutes the material foundation of the present conditions of misery, and for which there is scarcely any hope of a solution from the current rulers.

Comrades, friends, all these measures are achievable.

Their realization depends upon our determination, initiative, and creativity in forging unity and establishing enduring bonds of solidarity.

Divided and scattered, our defeat is certain!

United and of one mind, we can succeed!

Extraordinary Conference of the Communist Preparation Organization

22 Mehr 1405

October 14, 2026

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